IF the agrarian scene in Bihar appears extraordinarily complex, to a great extent, that is due to the prevalence of the peculiar phenomenon of caste. In essence, this phenomenon is yet another reflection of the backward state of Bihar's agrarian economy, where peasants appear more as social estates than classes with caste being the social expression of specific roles in agriculture. And as social contradictions assumed the shape of armed caste conflicts, there emerged in almost all castes, powerful caste leaders, more often than not with a criminal background, with the general members of these castes looking to them as their saviours. Finally, with the introduction of parliamentary democracy in the form of elections at regular intervals, the whole thing came to get further institutionalised with different political parties trying to outmanoeuvre one another through caste-based political mobilisation.

To outside observers, this is indeed quite a puzzling phenomenon, particularly when they find even toiling masses rallying behind certain notorious criminals of their ‘own’ castes. Be that as it may, it is quite clear that mere denun­ciation of casteism, even in the strongest of terms, is going to make absolutely no difference to this situation. In fact, it is futile to look for any straightforward answer to this complex question. While sharpening of economic struggles would accelerate intra-caste class polarisation, simultaneously we have also got to work within various caste organisations so as to provide them with a progressive orientation, and last but not the least, we have got to assert ourselves as a force capable a guaranteeing security to the weaker castes.

Here are certain experiences. In the period 1976-77 there had emerged an organisation named Harijan Mahamukti Sangh in some parts of Bhojpur. To mobilise the harijan masses, the Sangh concentrated on the tenancy dispute over 350 bighas of land at Kathrai village in Charpokhari block. By 1979-80 it managed to draw a large number of people under its fold from whom it collected a huge amount of subscriptions. It was at this point that we decided to intervene, and gradually there surfaced a veritable polarisa­tion within the organisation, with the opportunist leaders trying their best to submerge the struggle in the quagmire of legalism vis-a-vis our constant efforts to unleash a militant mass movement. Soon the Sangh got disintegrated, with many corrupted leaders who had by then amassed great fortunes joining the Congress(I), Lok Dal or Janata band-wagon, while the broad masses and a few honest leaders came over to the peasant association.

In another instance in Bhojpur, Rajput landlords had formed a Kunwar Sena after the name of Kunwar Singh, the legendary hero of the first war of independence, installed a statue of his, and demanded a university at Arrah after his name. Kunwar Singh for them was simply a Rajput king and his banner was glorified to organise the Rajputs as a caste. The Lok Dal, the so-called representative of the backward castes, opposed this move and its cadres even went on to demolish the statue of Kunwar Singh. We opposed this attitude of the Lok Dal, hailed Kunwar Singh’s patriotic role and stressed the necessity of continuing the struggle against imperialism. This brought the peasant association support from many progressive Rajputs, including the direct descendants of Kunwar Singh.

Emphasis has been laid on formulating specific policies for specific castes. Readers have already learnt about our policies concerning the Kurmis and the Yadavas. Below we narrate an experience of dealing with the Bhumihars who are coming closer to the peasant association in many parts of Bhojpur and Gaya. In Sahar block of Bhojpur, Bhumihar landlords’ gohar against harijans was a common phenomenon till 1979. But now this phenomenon has withered away, and nearly 35 per cent of the Bhumihar population, directly or indirectly, is under the influence of the movement. In fact, some enlightened and influential Bhumihars are always alert to nip any caste conflict in the bud. But this great change did not come of its own; it required the following conscious efforts on our part:

(i) Underground links were established with certain individuals among the Bhumihars, and they were gradually transformed, first into our sympathisers and then into active members.

(ii) Widespread propaganda was conducted through leaf­lets and propaganda teams, explaining the aims and objects of our movement and clarifying its targets and allies as well as our attitude to various castes.

(iii) Sometime during its night-marches, our armed unit would make a sudden appearance before some Bhumihar individuals/groups. Apprehending trouble, the latter would initially get panicky. But to their utter surprise, our armed unit would talk to them with respect and explain that they had no quarrel with any caste. They would put before them the programme and policies of the Party. Again, when some tyrant Bhumihar landlord is found in a group in the company of others, action would be carried out only against that tyrant, and the rest, even if they happen to be all landlords and rich peasants, would all be set free. These events received quick propaganda and helped a lot in removing false fears about us among the entire Bhumihar population,

(iv) Attacks were concentrated only against certain selected tyrants, particularly the ones with whom their own castemen had already got fed up.

(v) Certain mistakes committed by us were admitted and rectified, both in word and in deed.

(vi) In the event of any serious actions being taken against certain Bhumihars, particularly in case of executions, leaflets and appeals have always been issued explaining the rationale behind such steps.

(vii) Various initiatives taken by the Kisan Sabha, e.g., big mass meetings and rallies addressed by its leaders, created a positive impact on those among the Bhumihars who were so far viewing our struggles in a rather narrow framework.

(viii) Disputes among the people have all been settled amicably through people’s panchayats and thefts have been completely eradicated.